Nepal's industrial sector has been facing worse scnario in the last one decades. Even after the years of negotiations, there is no sign for returning of normalcy. Protest and lock up are the modality.
http://spotlightnepal.com/sln/National.aspx?ArticleID=1005
Saturday, May 14, 2011
Sunday, May 1, 2011
New Spotlightnepal
New Spotlightnepal
Nepal's Debate: Federalization would only wreak havoc by Bihari Krishna Shrestha.
While the relative deprivation of non-caste Tibeto-Burman ethnic groups, now generically known as janajati groups, vis-à-vis the Hindu high caste groups, mainly Brahmins and Chhetris, is increasingly being used as a political agenda at the hands of the “ethnic” leaders, it has since been adopted as such by various political parties too particularly after Jana Andolan II of 2006. Ethnicity as the basis for federalization of the country along with the provision of so-called “preferential rights” for specific Tibeto-Burman ethnic groups has now become the ever too intractable subject of political debate in the Constituent Assembly and outside with no unity of view in sight even as the latter’s extended tenure is drawing to a close. Those in favour generally maintain that ethnic groups, both the janajati and Madhesi, have long been disadvantaged due to Hill Bahun Chhetri political, social and economic hegemony even as the Janajati people in particular have been the ones indigenous to Nepal with many regions in Nepal historically named after them such as Magrat where Magars live. They argue that a time-bound provision of preferential rights is necessary to enable them to come at par with the Bahun Chhetri combine. Those against retort that given the immense ethnic diversity (100 plus caste ethnic groups) and ethnically mixed communities countrywide, ethnicity-based division of the country would be chaotic and would result in inter-ethnic animosities, including its possible disintegration. It is further argued that deprivation is not limited to ethnic groups alone. While it is quite widespread among Bahun and Chhetri too, the dalits are by far the most deprived, although no specific region can be allocated to the latter due to their countrywide geographical spread that also deprives them of the power that otherwise comes with numbers. Besides, Hindu caste groups, generically being referred to as Khas more recently, predominate numerically in western regions, but the proposal does not name any province after them, thus suggesting that the exercise is inherently biased against caste Hindus. http://spotlightnepal.com/sln/Others.aspx?ArticleID=1003&IssueID=21
Nepal's Debate: Federalization would only wreak havoc by Bihari Krishna Shrestha.
While the relative deprivation of non-caste Tibeto-Burman ethnic groups, now generically known as janajati groups, vis-à-vis the Hindu high caste groups, mainly Brahmins and Chhetris, is increasingly being used as a political agenda at the hands of the “ethnic” leaders, it has since been adopted as such by various political parties too particularly after Jana Andolan II of 2006. Ethnicity as the basis for federalization of the country along with the provision of so-called “preferential rights” for specific Tibeto-Burman ethnic groups has now become the ever too intractable subject of political debate in the Constituent Assembly and outside with no unity of view in sight even as the latter’s extended tenure is drawing to a close. Those in favour generally maintain that ethnic groups, both the janajati and Madhesi, have long been disadvantaged due to Hill Bahun Chhetri political, social and economic hegemony even as the Janajati people in particular have been the ones indigenous to Nepal with many regions in Nepal historically named after them such as Magrat where Magars live. They argue that a time-bound provision of preferential rights is necessary to enable them to come at par with the Bahun Chhetri combine. Those against retort that given the immense ethnic diversity (100 plus caste ethnic groups) and ethnically mixed communities countrywide, ethnicity-based division of the country would be chaotic and would result in inter-ethnic animosities, including its possible disintegration. It is further argued that deprivation is not limited to ethnic groups alone. While it is quite widespread among Bahun and Chhetri too, the dalits are by far the most deprived, although no specific region can be allocated to the latter due to their countrywide geographical spread that also deprives them of the power that otherwise comes with numbers. Besides, Hindu caste groups, generically being referred to as Khas more recently, predominate numerically in western regions, but the proposal does not name any province after them, thus suggesting that the exercise is inherently biased against caste Hindus. http://spotlightnepal.com/sln/Others.aspx?ArticleID=1003&IssueID=21
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